http://hdl.handle.net/10366/141405 2026-04-22T06:51:37Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142720 [ES] En México se han realizado paneles electorales en cada elección presidencial desde el año 2000. En la elección de 2018 la investigación tuvo dos olas: la primera preelectoral en junio y la segunda en agosto/septiembre después de las elecciones de julio. El trabajo de campo estuvo a cargo de Data OPM y el tema principal de investigación fue la compra de voto. La pregunta principal que guía la presente discusión es la siguiente: ¿es importante incluir la medición de la incidencia de la compra de voto (en países latinoamericanos) como un componente relevante de los estudios de comportamiento electoral? Para intentar una respuesta se pretende discutir tres temas específicos: (a) la medición de la incidencia de la compra de voto; (b) el impacto de la inseguridad en el trabajo de campo y los estudios tipo panel; y (c) las carencias/retos de los estudios electorales 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142719 [POR] Pesquisas sobre o desalinhamento entre eleitores e partidos políticos focalizando as democracias tidas como consolidadas tem sido frequentes nas últimas décadas. O mesmo não pode ser dito sobre as novas democracias, como as latino-americanas, nas quais o fenômeno do desalinhamento partidário aparenta ter contornos distintos. No caso específico do Brasil, a maior parte dos estudos que tratam do relacionamento entre o eleitorado e os partidos se dedica a análises relacionadas à identificação e à simpatia partidária, mas poucos têm se debruçado sobre a filiação. Diante do exposto, este artigo tem por objetivo investigar os determinantes do referido fenômeno, com especial atenção à existência de efeitos mediados do nível de escolarização dos indivíduos sobre o interesse por política para a predição da filiação. Para tanto, utilizamos dados coletados no âmbito do projeto World Values Survey (WVS), referentes ao ano de 2014 e a amostra representativa da população brasileira.; [EN]Research on misalignment between voters and political parties focusing on democracies that have been consolidated has been frequent in recent decades. The same cannot be said about the new democracies, such as Latin American ones, in which the phenomenon of partisan misalignment appears to have different contours. In the specific case of Brazil, most of the studies that deal with the relationship between the electorate and the parties are devoted to analyzes related to party identification and sympathy, but few have focused on membership. Given the above, this article aims to investigate the determinants of this phenomenon, with special attention on the existence of mediated effects of the level of schooling of individuals on the interest on politics to predict adhesion. To do so, we used data collected in the scope of the World Values Survey (WVS), referring to the year 2014 and the representative sample of the Brazilian population. 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142718 [EN] Ideology has been traditionally considered to be an explanation of political behavior, both inside and outside academia, which has been nowadays mostly abandoned. This paper sets out to investigate if a relationship between ideology and unconventional political participation exists, for the Costa Rican elections of 2014. It yields results that indicate that while the majority of Costa Ricans do not engage in political participation, there is a minority that does, with an identifiable emancipatory, statist and leftist ideology. A strong contradiction is found in the population between their ideological self-identification and their values and attitudes. The paper then argues in favor of more nuanced measurements of ideology than self-identification questions. Furthermore, it becomes apparent that each form of participation has a different relationship with the ideological elements.Therefore, studying them as if they were one should be avoided. 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142717 [EN] The contentious politics literature has long been divided on the extent to which grievances –or “dissatisfaction caused by deprivation” (Dalton et al., 2009)– drive citizen participation in protests. Do grievances motivate citizens to take to the streets? To shed light on how grievances affect protest, we focus on citizen evaluations of public service provision in Latin America. Scant research has examined the effect of poor public service delivery on contentious participation in emerging democracies. We highlight two mechanisms associated with public service evaluations that facilitate mobilization: 1) firsthand experience with poor governance and 2) clear attribution of responsibility for poor service provision. To test our argument, we utilize data from the 2012 and 2014 AmericasBarometer national surveys of Brazil, and then generalize to Latin America in multilevel models of protest drawing from 18 countries. The results are consistent: where firsthand experience with state incompetence fuels declining system support and specific attribution of blame for underperformance, as in the case of public service evaluations in Latin America, grievances fuel participation in protest. 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142715 [EN] Bolivia has experienced remarkable political transformation since the turn of the 21st century. After centuries of political exclusion, indigenous peoples5 helped bring the first nationally successful indigenous political party to power, winning majorities in the legislature and the executive. The MAS (Movimiento al Socialismo, or Movement towards Socialism) and President Evo Morales, who took office in 2005, represented a historic shift in the political power and engagement of indigenous people in Bolivia. Unlike many ethnically based political parties, however, the MAS has adopted an inclusive approach to indigenous identity (Anria, 2013, 2018; Madrid, 2008, 2012). In this paper we investigate how indigenous people view the political system before and after this historic change in representation. In particular, we focus on indigenous peoples’ support for the political system, comparing attitudes of indigenous and non-indigenous people before and after the election of Evo Morales and the MAS. 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142716 [EN] Based on data from presidential campaigns and original data from gubernatorial campaigns in Mexico, this paper finds that the proportion of respondents who provide consistent answers to the vote intention questions during the same survey interview increases as the campaign unfolds and interest in the campaign grows. These voters are less likely to connect their vote choice with their political predispositions and have a disproportionate likelihood to change their vote choice throughout the campaign. This gives the impression that campaigns are more consequential than they are, when, in fact, vote shifts are a function of voters’ increased motivation to engage in a survey interview. 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142714 [POR] Estudos têm apontado a escolaridade como importante condicionante da tolerância política, mas não têm conseguido avaliar o impacto de contextos políticos e econômicos distintos sobre essa relação. Considerando essa conexão entre contextos nacionais e atributos individuais, esse artigo investiga as relações entre o legado democrático de dezenas de nações latino-americanas e os efeitos da escolaridade sobre as atitudes tolerantes dos seus cidadãos. Testamos a hipótese de que, em contextos de maior durabilidade e qualidade democrática, tal efeito é potencializado em razão da inclusividade e do sistema de contestação pública. A inclusão de novos grupos políticos e a garantia de livre expressão dos seus projetos políticos tornaria mais complexa e custosa a tarefa de tolerar, aumentando assim a sua dependência da sofisticação política. Para os testes, estimamos modelos lineares multiníveis usando dados do Latin American Public Opinion Project, em sua edição de 2014. 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142713 [ES]Presentación de la revista 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142711 [ES] Reseña del libro de María José Cascante y Adrián Pignataro.Los electorados de la democracia costarricense. Percepciones ciudadanas y participación en torno a las elecciones nacionales de 2014. 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142712 [ES]Reseña del libro de Manuel Alcántara, Daniel Buquet, and María Laura Tagina. Elecciones y partidos en América Latina en el cambio del ciclo 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142710 [ES] Los medios de comunicación suelen mostrarse muy interesados por los datos que las encuestas brindan a la hora de cubrir las campañas electorales y los diarios argentinos no son una excepción. En este trabajo analizaremos qué uso hicieron los principales periódicos nacionales de las encuestas como herramientas cuantitativas durante la cobertura de la campaña presidencial de 2015. ¿Qué aspectos de la contienda electoral prefieren fundamentar con datos duros?, ¿Se muestran las fichas técnicas?, ¿Cómo se las muestra? Buscamos comprender qué hábitos de cobertura tienen los diarios La Nación, Clarín y Página 12 para trabajar con encuestas durante las campañas y si cumplieron con las pautas internacionales de calidad de publicación y tratamiento de encuestas establecidas por Esomar/Wapor. 2019-05-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142709 Índice