http://hdl.handle.net/10366/4397 2026-06-12T11:36:58Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171808 [EN] This is a study of the Tabula Veliterna, a legal document found in Velletri and referring to the safeguard of the goods of the goddess Declona and the measures to be taken in case of theft or profanation thereof. I shall undertake a radically different approach to syntax, phonetics and morphology. In turn, some of the conclusions may have some bearing on our conception of Sabellic phonetics and phonology 2022-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171807 [EN] The Oscan inscriptions of Lucania and Bruttium are written in the Greek (specifically Ionic) alphabet. However, the values of some letters are still disputed, since they seem to vary according to personal choice on the part of the scribal schools or to dialectal differences not always easy to track down. Oscan back vowels, which, for all we know, were only three, /o/, /u/ and /uː/, are not always consistently spelt, and this has made etymological speculation a hard task. While the choice of letters may occasionally depend on the individual carvers, the recognition of apparent inconsistencies often depends on objectionable etymologies. In this work I shall try to show that the spelling of the back vowels in South Oscan is certainly less arbitrary than assumed in previous accounts, that dialectal differences cannot be convincingly identified, and, crucially, that the precise, and in principle phonemic, value of individual letters or groups of letters can only be determined by comparing the use of other letters in the same texts or in texts presumably coming from the same workshops or the same areas. I shall distinguish a group of texts in which the vowels /o/ and /u/ are respectively rendered <ω> and <o> (especially in Central Lucania) from another group in which they are rendered <o> and <oυ> (Southern Lucania and Bruttium). I shall conclude that two different regional alphabets, a “Lucanian” and a “Bruttian” one, can be identified. As regards new etymologies, the origin of the divine name διομανας, long believed to be the Sabellic cognate of L. domina, will be addressed. In the light of recent epigraphic discoveries, I shall additionally call attention to the existence of a hitherto overlooked Oscan magistracy, whose name goes back to Proto-Sabellic *puklīno- and is built from a collective noun *puklā ‘youth’, a possibility supported by a new look at the form prupukid in the cippus abellanus. An alternative reading of σκαλαπ(ονις) ολκϝηις as σκαλαπο(νις) [π]ακϝηις in the new apograph of Anzi is proposed, which falls into line with occurrences of the same name in other Lucanian texts and reveals the importance of the gens Scalponia. The fact that this text forms part of a larger monument (ST Lu 39) underpins the hypothesis that <ω> was not introduced in Lucania before 200 BC. 2025-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171806 [EN] On the strength of both recent discoveries concerning the use of the Latin alphabet in different places of Central Hispania to write official documents in Celtiberian and the new readings of indigenous names on inscriptions belonging to Latin, not Celtiberian, epigraphy, some novel reflections on Celtiberian phonology are in order. Epigraphic and linguistic considerations in turn lead to a refinement in the delimitation of Hispano-Celtic regions. These attend to dialectal differences and to the emergence and stabilisation of scribal habits. New etymologies for some hitherto uninterpreted or even misinterpreted personal names are put forward. Some of these have the comparative advantage of matching inherited Celtic forms surviving in Insular Celtic and Gaulish. Finally, three new readings are proposed: BVGANSONIS, CLOVSOCVM and AISAE, possibly also VXSEISVS 2022-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171805 [EN] This work tackles a preliminary linguistic analysis of a new Celtiberian bronze in the Latin alphabet, probably dating back to the mid 1st c. BC. As usual with objects that remain in private hands and cannot be directly studied by professionals, doubts on its authenticity will predictably hover over any attempt to interpret it. However, many traits of the text merit comment. The onomastic and appellative material of the new bronze will prove instrumental in confi rming the existence of a western Celtiberian dialect, spoken by the Arevaci, characterised by: a) early loss of fi nal dental sounds; the only case of fi nal -􀶌, 􀵺􀶍􀶍􀵾􀶌, goes back to a heteromorphemic sequence -t-s and must consequently be ascribed to the phoneme /sː/ (which had a tense articulation, probably a geminate in intervocalic position), refl ected by -s in Early Celtiberian; b) monophthongisation of all instances of an inherited diphthong /e/, shared by the rest of Celtic Hispania (<􀵾􀶂> refl ects the emergence of secondary diphthongs: the forms 􀵽􀶂􀵺􀶂􀶇􀶂􀶆, 􀵺􀶇􀵾􀶂􀶍􀶍􀶂􀶊 show the eff ects of the sound change -χt- > -t- well known from Brittonic and Romance); c) fi nal nasals haphazardly show up as -􀶆, -􀶇 or are even omitted, which is suggestive of their weakness. By contrast, the tendency of the cluster -t- to assibilation is not detectable. The study will also confi rm that forms, including a number of proper names, hitherto poorly or not attested in Hispano-Celtic are, in fact, to be traced back to Proto-Celtic. It goes without saying, this bronze has not been cleaned and the readings may change over time, pending a thorough revision of better photographs or direct handling of the object. 2025-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171804 [EN] The so-called “Lugano alphabet” is a northern Italian script that derives from the Etruscan alphabet. It was used to write Celtic texts belonging to the Lepontic language, uncovered in the centre of the Gallia Transpadana (Lombardy in Italy and Ticino in southern Switzerland), ranging from the 6th c. to the 1st c. BC, and a later variety called Cisalpine Gaulish, again located in the Transpadana (Lombardy and Piedmont in Italy), whose earliest texts date from the 4th c. BC, and which represents a later wave of immigrants or invaders. This dialect is distinguished from the former by a few morphological traits, like the patronymic suffi x -iknovs. Lepontic -alo-. While the Lugano script is deciphered in its entirety, some pending issues remain as to the actual use of some of its letters, its evolution and possible external infl uence from related alphabets. This work will address the problem of the so-called “butterfl y sign,” a letter transliterated as <ś>, which shows diff erent shapes, some of them easily confusable with <m>, and goes back to Greek san. For the “butterfl y sign” a high number of synchronic values and etymological origins has been proposed. The article attempts to show that its use overlaps with that of zeta, transliterated as <z>. Both may have had a single value, and the refl ected phoneme is in both cases a voiceless aff ricate that goes back to Indo-European /st/, /ts/ or /ds/, to epenthesis of /t/ in a sequence *-ns#, or to aff rication of /d/ in coda position. The author also evaluates the possibility that the occurrence of san and tau gallicum in some contexts, specifi cally in codas, is due to mere phonemic reallocation not mediated by sound change. 2023-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170111 La Vita et miracula s. Turibii ep. Asturicensis (BHL 8344b) es una composición hagiográfica elaborada, según todos lo indicios, en el s. XIII por un monje de Santo Toribio de Liébana. Tras el prólogo (cap. 1), su primera parte (cap. 2-9) narra la vida del santo patrono del monasterio, pero, mezclando, dos figuras históricas de ese nombre: el obispo Toribio de Astorga (de mediados del s. V) y un personaje de la iglesia de Palencia de nombre Toribio (de la primera mitad del s. VI), mezclando sus vidas con todo tipo de inexactitudes históricas y personajes que van del s. V al IX. En su segunda parte (cap. 10-30), con su propio prólogo, reúne 20 milagros del santo post transitum en los que se mencionan algunos personajes históricos como los nobles Diego López de Haro II († 1214), Gutierre Sebastiániz (activo al servicio de los reyes leoneses Fernando II, 1157-1188, y Alfonso IX, 1188-1230), el obispo de Palencia Raimundo II de Minerva (1148-1183), y, probablemente, Urraca López de Haro († c. 1226). Este artículo ofrece la primera edición crítica basada en los dos manuscritos principales conocidos: Torino, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, F II 18, del s. XIV (el único testimonio completo); y Salamanca, Biblioteca General Histórica de la Universidad, 2539, del s. XV (cap. 1-9). Este segundo códice, que contiene una parte del libro IV de las Vitae sanctorum de Bernardo de Brihuega, de hacia 1270, permite establecer un terminus ante quem objetivo de redacción de la obra. Su terminus post quem podría ser, quizás, la redacción de la Historia de rebus Hispanie de Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, del año 1247, una de las posibles fuentes de esa misma obra. Al final de este trabajo se ofrece la primera traducción completa de la obra. 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/169610 Edición, traducción y comentario de una orden de pago bilingüe greco-copta (P. Heid. Inv. Kopt. 112) procedente del monasterio de Apa Apolo de Bawit. 2019-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/169160 The total loss or mutation of /p/ is the quintessential feature that grants the status of Celtic language within the Indo-European family. Therefore, the evolution of this sound has been the subject of multiple studies over the last two centuries. However, there are still crucial issues to be addressed, which will be dealt with at length in the present paper. On the one hand, we will conduct a systematic and critical review of the proposed results of PIE *p in terms of the phonetic context and Celtic dialectology, thus providing a comprehensive overview of all evolutions. On the other hand, we will attempt to elucidate some obscure points of the historical phonetics of Celtic, namely the results of the sequences *#sp- and *-sp-, drawing equally on insular and continental material. Hence, not only will new light be shed on the history and relative chronology of linguistic change in Celtic, but we will also deepen our knowledge of the fragmentary Continental Celtic languages through epigraphic and literary evidence. 2026-01-20T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/169158 Publicación de algunas etiquetas de momia griegas y greco-demóticas de los Museos Reales de Arte e Historia de Bruselas. 2021-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/169155 Análisis de la procedencia geográfica de P. Ryl. II 92 de acuerdo con los nombres personales que contiene. 2020-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168722 Edición, traducción y comentario de una orden de pago bilingüe greco-copta procedente de Bawit. 2019-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168716 Publicación de nuevas identificaciones onomásticas greco-egipcias en documentos papirológicos griegos. 2020-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168714 Edición y comentario de una etiqueta griega para objetos de alabastro de los Museos de Arte e Historia de Bruselas. 2022-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168713 Publicación de nuevas lecturas y nombres fantasma de antropónimos en textos griegos papirológicos. 2018-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168711 In this article, the Egyptian feminine anthroponyms occurring in the ancient Greek novels and in the papyrological fragments of lost novels, along with some aspects related to reality they may reflect, are examined. 2023-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168709 1. Le bilinguisme dans les ostraca écrits en démotique et en grec. - 2. Le lexique démotique des ostraca écrits principalement en grec. - 3. Le lexique grec des ostraca écrits principalement en démotique: 3.1. Les noms; - 3.2. Les formes verbales. 2020-01-01T00:00:00Z