http://hdl.handle.net/10366/141398 Sun, 19 Apr 2026 15:26:40 GMT 2026-04-19T15:26:40Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142642 Resumen Wed, 01 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142642 2011-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142641 Resumen Wed, 01 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142641 2011-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142640 How do citizens view the work of their legislators? Do they think representatives should legislate and oversee the executive, or do they believe representatives should deliver resources to their community and help individuals with problems? Do they expect both? In Latin America surveys typically show that popular evaluations of the national congress are overwhelmingly negative but are not able to explain why. Are congresses held in low esteem because people think that congress is not legislating well or efficiently overseeing the executive, or because citizens do not know what legislators are supposed to do and want them to deliver pork for their district and personalistic benefits for themselves? Since clientelism targets the poor and plays an important role in elections in developing democ- racies, it is important to know if poor citizens truly have different views than wealthier citizens about what a member of congress should do once elected. We use quasi-experimental procedures in a public opinion survey administered in Mexico City to begin to address these questions. Our findings indicate that poorer citizens, people with no or very little education, have greater expectations of clientelism than wealthier citizens but that their view of a legislator’s job is more subtle, and more democratic than would be predicted by clientelism theory.; How do citizens view the work of their legislators? Do they think representatives should legislate and oversee the executive, or do they believe representatives should deliver resources to their community and help individuals with problems? Do they expect both? In Latin America surveys typically show that popular evaluations of the national congress are overwhelmingly negative but are not able to explain why. Are congresses held in low esteem because people think that congress is not legislating well or efficiently overseeing the executive, or because citizens do not know what legislators are supposed to do and want them to deliver pork for their district and personalistic benefits for themselves? Since clientelism targets the poor and plays an important role in elections in developing democ- racies, it is important to know if poor citizens truly have different views than wealthier citizens about what a member of congress should do once elected. We use quasi-experimental procedures in a public opinion survey administered in Mexico City to begin to address these questions. Our findings indicate that poorer citizens, people with no or very little education, have greater expectations of clientelism than wealthier citizens but that their view of a legislator’s job is more subtle, and more democratic than would be predicted by clientelism theory. Wed, 01 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142640 2011-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142639 O artigo se propõe a examinar os conteúdos presentes em grupos de eleitores classificados por seu posicionamento semelhante no contínuo da escala esquerda-direita. A hipótese é a de que o uso desta escala tem pouca capacidade para explicar a agregação dos eleitores em termos de ideologia. Neste sentido, a auto-localização do eleitor nesta escala tende mais a ser indicador de uma lógica da divisão da política em termos gerais de situação e oposição, do que reflexo de opiniões semelhantes perante temas po- líticos e valores, que produziriam comportamentos ideologicamente orientados. Analisando pesquisas qualitativas e surveys realizados na cidade de Belo Horizonte (capital de Minas Gerais, Brasil), foi constatado que a variável de auto-posicionamento é mais um indi- cador de avaliação dos governantes e de confiança institucional do que de fatores ideológicos que expressem conservadorismo político ou liberalismo econômico. Assim, é indicado que os estudos sobre o impacto da ideologia na decisão do voto façam uso de outros indicadores, que agreguem, quando possível, variáveis de cunho ideológico claro e direto.; O artigo se propõe a examinar os conteúdos presentes em grupos de eleitores classificados por seu posicionamento semelhante no contínuo da escala esquerda-direita. A hipótese é a de que o uso desta escala tem pouca capacidade para explicar a agregação dos eleitores em termos de ideologia. Neste sentido, a auto-localização do eleitor nesta escala tende mais a ser indicador de uma lógica da divisão da política em termos gerais de situação e oposição, do que reflexo de opiniões semelhantes perante temas po- líticos e valores, que produziriam comportamentos ideologicamente orientados. Analisando pesquisas qualitativas e surveys realizados na cidade de Belo Horizonte (capital de Minas Gerais, Brasil), foi constatado que a variável de auto-posicionamento é mais um indi- cador de avaliação dos governantes e de confiança institucional do que de fatores ideológicos que expressem conservadorismo político ou liberalismo econômico. Assim, é indicado que os estudos sobre o impacto da ideologia na decisão do voto façam uso de outros indicadores, que agreguem, quando possível, variáveis de cunho ideológico claro e direto. Wed, 01 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142639 2011-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142637 Investigadores académicos han sugerido que, a diferencia de lo que ocurre en Estados Unidos y Europa, las preferencias de los votantes en temas de políticas públicas no gozan de mayor relevancia en la decisión del voto en América Latina. El presente artículo provee evidencia en contra de dicha creencia. Se utilizan dos encuestas preelectorales argentinas. La primera, realizada en 1995, es nacionalmente representativa. La segunda, realizada en 2009, es representativa de la Provincia de Buenos Aires. Ambas encuestas son analizadas utilizando un modelo logístico con componente ideológico (también llamado “modelo espacial del voto”). Éste permite medir el efecto que la congruencia ideológica entre las preferencias de los votantes y las plataformas políticas de los diferentes partidos ejerce en la intención de voto de los encuestados. El modelo arroja alta significancia estadística del voto ideológico en ambas encuestas. La relevancia política del voto ideológico también es analizada. En la encuesta de 2009, la relevancia política se muestra con ejercicios de simulación. Una variación en el mensaje político transmitido por los tres principales partidos altera sustancialmente su porcen- taje de votos, e incluso puede modificar el orden en que terminan los partidos. En la encuesta de 1995, la relevancia política del voto ideológico se refleja en la capacidad que tiene el modelo de explicar el fenómeno de realineamiento partidario observado en Argentina entre las elecciones presidenciales de 1989 y 1995. Finalmente, se discute el potencial del modelo logístico con componente ideológico como herramienta de trabajo para el analista y consultor político latinoamericano./n Wed, 01 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142637 2011-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142638 In the Latin American context of extremely high crime, political scientists and policy makers alike need to ask whether crime, and the associated fear of crime, is helping to build popular support for repressive measures, and by extension, for repressive regimes. In short, is it possible that growing crime is a threat to the durability of democracy in Latin America? To test this proposition, this paper uses the 2008 Americas Barometer surveys. The premise of the paper is that rising crime and insecurity undermine democratic values and increase support for authoritarian measures. As crime rates increase and governments fail to stem the tide, citizen’s belief that democracy is the best system may decline. Some citizens may support the imple- mentation of greater controls or extra-judicial measures. High levels of crime may reduce levels of tolerance and interpersonal trust, thus undermining social capital. Finally, crime victimization and the fear of crime could drive citizens to lose faith in their political institutions, particularly the police and judicial authorities.; In the Latin American context of extremely high crime, political scientists and policy makers alike need to ask whether crime, and the associated fear of crime, is helping to build popular support for repressive measures, and by extension, for repressive regimes. In short, is it possible that growing crime is a threat to the durability of democracy in Latin America? To test this proposition, this paper uses the 2008 Americas Barometer surveys. The premise of the paper is that rising crime and insecurity undermine democratic values and increase support for authoritarian measures. As crime rates increase and governments fail to stem the tide, citizen’s belief that democracy is the best system may decline. Some citizens may support the imple- mentation of greater controls or extra-judicial measures. High levels of crime may reduce levels of tolerance and interpersonal trust, thus undermining social capital. Finally, crime victimization and the fear of crime could drive citizens to lose faith in their political institutions, particularly the police and judicial authorities. Wed, 01 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142638 2011-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142636 Las encuestas de opinión pública son, por el campo en que se insertan –el de la comunicación política– una actividad controversial. Son también, particularmente en países que han sufrido décadas de rupturas institucionales, una actividad relativamente nueva, fuertemente cuestionada, donde el papel de la academia ha sido bastante marginal. El objetivo de este trabajo es reflexionar sobre formas o caminos posibles que contribuyan a profesionalizar la disciplina, a reforzar su débil institucionalización, y a legitimar las encuestas y la comunidad profesional que las lleva a cabo. Para ello se utilizan los datos de una encuesta realizada por WAPOR Latinoamérica entre profesionales y académicos latinoamericanos ligados al estudio de la opinión pública. Wed, 01 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142636 2011-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142635 http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142635 http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142634 Alfredo Torres, Opinión pública 1921-2021. Un viaje en el tiempo para descubrir cómo somos y qué queremos los peruanos, Lima, Santillana, 2010, 226 páginas Wed, 01 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142634 2011-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142633 Ronald Inglehart, Changing Human Beliefs and Values, 1981-2007. A Cross-Cultural Sourcebook Based on the World Values Survey and European Values Studies, México, Siglo XXI editores, 2010, 263 páginas Wed, 01 Jun 2011 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142633 2011-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142632 http://hdl.handle.net/10366/142632