http://hdl.handle.net/10366/68697 Thu, 23 Apr 2026 09:06:58 GMT 2026-04-23T09:06:58Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70280 [ES] La lengua de las epístolas oficiales de Agustín de Hipona sufre un cambio coincidiendo con su ordenación episcopal. Determinados rasgos lingüísticos, como las formas de referencia a la primera y segunda personas, las fórmulas de cortesía o las expresiones directivas, muestran, por una parte, el cambio en la posición de Agustín y en su relación con sus corresponsales y, por otra, la evolución de su concepción del poder y de la forma de ejercerlo.; [EN] The language in the official epistles by Augustine of Hippo underwent a change due to his ordaining as a bishop. Certain linguistic features, like the reference to first and second person, the forms os courtesy and the directive expressions show, on one hand, the change in Augustine's position and his relationship with his addressees and, on the other, the evolution of his conception of power and the ways to exert it. Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70280 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70278 [ES] En el empleo sistemático dentro de la Epitoma rei militaris del sintagma imperator inuictus en las apelaciones directas de Vegecio al emperador, aceptando que éste sea Teodosio el Grande, se puede interpretar una intencionalidad bien definida. Una revisión del empleo de este sintagma en la literatura latina sirve para perfilar y así poder valorar mejor su naturaleza y sus connotaciones. La identificación de Teodosio con el imperator inuictus resulta estar en consonancia con la propaganda emprendida por este emperador a su llegada al trono imperial.; [EN] The sistematic employment of the phrase imperator inuictus in the Epitomia rei militaris in Vegetius's direct appeals to the Emperor —assuming his identification with Theodosius the Great— can be interpretd to have a well-distinct aim. The analysis of the use of this phrase in the latin literature serves to define ist nature, connotations and nuances in a better way. The insistence of Vegetius on presenting Theodosius as the imperator inuictus is in consonance with the propaganda carried out by this Emperor when he arrived to the imperial throne. Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70278 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70276 [ES] In questo articolo vengono prese in considerazione due opere tardolatine che piü di altre hanno influenzato la formazione dell'arte della guerra occidentale e che ben illustrano il método della comunicazione letteraria antíca in ámbito tecnico-scientifico: Y Epitoma rei militaris di Vegezio e 1'anónimo De rebus bellicis. Nonostante alcune differenze questi testi presentarlo dei tratti in comune: sonó dedícate all'imperatore (di cui non viene indicato il nome) e invocano quale principio che informa la propria scrittura Y utilitas, che rinvia alia diretta applicabilitá nella realtá extratestuale. Questi due aspetti appaiono strettamente connessi: se il lettore moderno puó leggere nella dedica un retorico atto d'omaggio aH'imperatore, questa funzione si rivela in realtá come uno strumento atto a raggiungere scopi pratici, in quanto é solo attraverso l'approvazione del sovrano che questi testi possono trovare una diretta applicazione; il riferimento áti.'utilitas a sua volta si rivela essere anche un elemento forte della tradizione letteraria tecnico-scientifica.; [EN] This paper discusses two late-antique works which both greatly influenced the subsequent development of the Western art of war and illustrate the literary communication of scientific and technical knowledge in antiquity: Vegetius' Epitoma rei militaris and the anonymous De rebus bellicis. Despite various differences, these texts share two important traits: they are dedicated to an unnamed emperor and they appeal to utilitas as an informing principie, with particular reference to direct applicability in extralinguistic reality. These two features are directly linked and at the same time characteristic of this type of text: while Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70276 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70274 [ES] La cita de scripta imperatoris en el panegírico latino muestra dos tipos de cortesía: la del orador y la del emperador. Para estudiarlos se aplican aquí los conceptos «cortesía positiva» y «cortesía negativa», procedentes del análisis de la cortesía en el discurso oral. Se puede afirmar que el orador emplea, para referirse al emperador como autor de un texto escrito, estrategias de cortesía positiva o negativa, según quiera enfatizar o minimizar la distancia entre emperador y subdito. En cambio, el texto imperial es un ejemplo de cortesía negativa: el emperador renuncia al uso del discurso autoritario para demostrar así su ciuilitas.; [EN] The quotation of scripta imperatoris in Latin prose panegyric conveys two different ways of politeness in language use: orator's politeness and emperor's one. In order to study this question, are suitable here concepts such as «positive politeness» and «negative politeness», both of them used when analysing politeness phenomena in oral discourse. It is possible to state that the orator, in referring to the emperor as author of a written text, uses strategies either of positive or negative politeness, depending if he means to emphasize or minimize the distance between emperor and subject. However, the imperial text is an example of negative politeness: the emperor relinquishes the authoritarian discourse, so he can prove his ciuilitas. Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70274 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70272 [ES] A lo largo de los Annales, Tácito se las ingenia de muy diversos modos para hacernos ver que el destino de Roma en los años 14-66 d. C. no depende ya de sus ciudadanos como comunidad jerarquizada en asambleas, senado y consulado, sino de una única persona, el Princeps, al que todos se subordinan. Respecto a la sumisión del senado, una de las formas mediante las cuales transmite esta idea es su particular uso del léxico especializado. Su manejo de los términos que aluden a la convocatoria de reuniones y a su celebración consigue, por una parte, que la idea de la sumisión del senado al Princeps haya quedado grabada en las mentes de sus lectores al alcanzar el final de su obra; y, por otra, que dicha sumisión se sienta como un proceso de degradación paulatina de la institución senatorial.; [EN] All through the Annals, Tacitus manages to make us understand that from 14 to 66 A. D. Román destiny depends no longer on its citizens as a community ranked into assemblies, senate and consulship, but on only one person, the Princeps, whom everybody is subordinated. Regarding the submission of the senate, one of the ways that Tacitus finds to develop this idea is a particular use of its specialized lexicum. His use of the words that allude to the summoning and holding of senatorial sessions succeeds, on the one hand, in impressing on his readers' minds the idea that the senate is completely submitted to the Princeps; and, on the other, in making us feel this submission as a process of gradual degradation of the senatorial institution. Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70272 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70270 [FR] L'application, dans le traite vitruvien, de la notion d'auctoritas aux grandes réalisations de 1'architecture publique participe sans doute des formules nouvelles de l'idéologie du principat. Elle ne constitue cependant qu'un des aspects du traitement par Vitruve de cette notion, apte a accroitre le prestige de l'art architectural, ouverte sur les réalités contemporaines, mais ancrée surtout dans des valeurs, culturelles, morales, de vieille tradition romaine, trouvant dans l'écrit leur expression nécessaire et sublimante.; [EN] The application in the De Architectura of the concept of auctoritas to the great achievements of public architecture is certainly in touch with the new ideological expression of the principate. It composes however one aspect only of the treatment by Vitruvius of his notion, useful for increasing the prestige of architectural art, connected with the contemporary political and social realities, but, above all, rooted in the cultural and moral valúes of the oíd román tradition and finding in writing its necessary and sublimated expression. Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70270 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70268 [ES] llpatronage di etá mediorepubblicana appare uno scenario adatto alia ricerca di un antecedente della letteratura áulica di etá imperiale. in particolare, un frammento degli Annales di Ennio (vv. 268-286 Skutsch) descrive il rapporto di amicizia fra il consolé del 217 a.C. Gneo Servilio e un personaggio di rango inferiore. Come notava giá Gellio, che tramanda i versi, si tratta di una rappresentazione esemplare di una «amicizia fra dispari» (tipologia di rapporto sociale teorizzata fin da Aristotele). Secondo il piú recente commentatore degli Annales, Otto Skutsch, il modello di Ennio é da individuare nella letteratura cortigiana di ambiente ellenistico. Si cerca di dimostrare che tale ipotesi di lettura é riduttiva e che la struttura dell'elenco delle virtü dell'anónimo personaggio (in cui la tradizione antica riconosceva Ennio stesso) riproduce lo stile catalogico típico degli elogia di aristocratici.; [EN] The patronage of Middle Republican Age seems a seen fit for the research of the antecedents of the aulic literature of the Imperian Ages. Particularly, a fragment of Annales of Ennio (vv. 268-286 Skutsch) describes the relation of friendship between the cónsul in 217 b.C, Gneo Servilio and a personage of an inferior rank. As Gelio already noticed, it seems the exemplary representation of «friendship between unequal people», a tipology of social relationship already theorized about by Aristotle. According to the most recent commentator of the Annales, Otto Skutsch, Ennio's model must be placed within the cortesan literature of Hellenistic ambience. We are trying to show that this interpretation is limited and that the structure of the list of virtues of the anonymous personage (which the tradition has recognised as Ennio himself) reproduces the typical catalogue- like style of the aristocratic elogia. Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70268 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70266 [FR] Definir le nom comme une partie du discours qui signifie soit un corps soit une « chose » (corpus aut rem) parait étre une innovation de YArs Donan, a mettre en relation avec la Techné de Denys le Thrace, car toutes les artes qui dérivent de l'enseignement de Sacerdos emploient les expressions res corporalis vs. res incorporalis, au lieu de corpus vs. res utilisée par Donatus. De plus, une seule tradition fait référence a la vue et au toucher pour caractériser les corps, celle qui remonte a l'Ars Charisii, une grammaire romaine indépendante de l¡Ars Donan, qui fait le lien entre étre corporel et étre sensible. A partir du viie siécle, la definition de l'Ars maior II 2 fournit aux commentateurs l'occasion de développer ce que Donat voulait diré par corpus aut rem, 'un corps ou une chose'. Pour clarifier sa definition, les commentateurs devront expliquer ce qu'est un corps et ce qu'est une chose, en s'inspirant plus ou moins de la definition de Charisius (ce qui peut étre vu et touché, ou ce qui peut étre vu ou touché), et aussi s'interroger sur un genre de nom tres partículier, celui des « choses a nom propre».; [EN] Defining the noun as a part of speech meaning a body or a «thing» {corpus aut rerri) appears to be an innovation of the Ars Donati, linked to the Techné written by Dionysius Thrax, since the artes being derivative of Sacerdos' all use the expressions res corporalis vs. res incorporalis, instead of corpus vs. res used by Donatus. Moreover, only one tradition refers to seeing and touching to caracterize the bodies; this is what is read for the first time in the Ars Charisiii, a Román grammar independant from the Ars Donati, which assumes a link between being corporeal and being sensible. From the VIIth c, the definition of Ars maior II 2 provided the commentators with the opportunity to develop about what Donatus meant when saying corpus aut rem, «a body or a thing». To clarify his definition, commentators will have to explain what a body is and what a «thing» is, more or less borrowing from Charisius' definition (what can be seen and touched, or what can be seen or touched), as well as to investígate a very particular sort of nouns, «things having a proper ñame». Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70266 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70264 [ES] El presente trabajo se centra en el estudio del término primiclerus desde su creación hasta su desaparición. Para ello, primero se han buscado y analizado todos los textos en los que aparece, tanto literarios como documentales, después se ha examinado su aspecto morfológico y finalmente su significado. Se ha tratado también de determinar qué tipo de dignidad eclesiástica designa y cuáles fueron sus funciones a lo largo del tiempo. Así se ha podido concluir que el término nace en Hispania a comienzos del s. vn como calco deprimicerius. Estuvo en uso en los últimos tiempos de la Hispania visigótica y después en su heredero, el reino asturleonés. En el s. XII desapareció tras convivir con sus sinónimos primicerias y, sobre todo, praecentor y cantor. Designa un importante cargo catedralicio, cuyas funciones sufren reajustes con el paso del tiempo hasta reducirse esencialmente a la dirección del coro y la lectura.; [EN] This paper studies the word primiclerus from its origins to its disappearance. The author has first searched and examined all the texts —literary works as well as documents— which contain that word, then she has analyzed its morphology and meaning. Moreover, she has intended to determine what grade of the ecclesiastical hierarchy the word referred to and which were its main duties. It has been concluded that primiclerus was a new creation of Visigothic Spain as a calque oíprimicerius. It was used in the final period of the Visigothic kingdom and, afterwards, in its inheritor, the kingdom of León. Its use carne to an end in the 12th century after a brief period of coexistence with its synonyms primicerius, and, most of all, praecentor and cantor. The word ñames an important cathedral rank, whose functions were readjusted throughout time, and finally reduced to the chorus and liturgical readings direction. Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70264 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70262 [ES] El Donatus metricus es una versificación medieval de la parte teórica del Ars minor de Donato. Su texto fue publicado en los años 20 del siglo pasado por los estudiosos americanos Heironimus y Russell, que utilizaron el códice Cambridge Ms. Nr. 18, el único por ellos conocido. Este manuscrito contiene, junto con un texto ligeramente lacunoso del Donatus metricus, sólo obras en inglés del poeta y gramático Henry de Avranches, a quien los editores también atribuyeron sin dudar el poema gramatical. Elfloruit de este libro único tuvo lugar entre la tercera y la sexta década del siglo XIII. Desde que esta obra fue publicada han sido localizadas cuatro copias manuscritas más en bibliotecas alemanas e italianas. Además, yo he tenido la oportunidad de descubrir que todo el poema —con, entre otras, pequeñas variaciones en el Incipit— se ha introducido en el primer libro del todavía inédito poema enciclopédicogramatical novus grecismus de canónigo y maestro de Zúrich Conrad de Mure, contemporáneo de Henry de Avranches. Ofrezco aquí una nueva edición del Donatus metricus basada tanto en el texto publicado como el del Novus Grecismus, del cual preparo en estos momentos la editio princeps. El análisis comparativo de las dos versiones del Donatus metricus emprendido en este artículo así como datos biográficos me permiten pensar que tanto Conrad como Henry deben haber usado una fuente común que modificaron levemente.; [EN] Donatus metricus is a medieval versification of the theoretical part of Donatus' Ars minor. The text was published at the end of the 20's years of the last century by the American scholars Heironimus and Russell, who used the Cambridge Ms. Nr. 18, the only one known to them. This manuscript contains only, besides a slightly lacunar text of the Donatus metricus, works of the English poet and grammarian Henry of Avranches, to whom the editors attributed with certainty also the grammatical poem. The floruit of this one took place between the third and the sixth decade of the XIIIth century. Since the publication of this text four further manuscripts containing it have been identified in Germán and Italian libraries. Moreover I have had myself the opportunity to discover that the whole poem —whit some slight variations a. o. in the Incipit— lies in the frame of the first book of the still inedited grammaticalencyclopedic poem Novus Grecismus of the canon and schoolmaster from Zurich Conrad de Mure, a contemporarry of Henry of Avranches. I am offering now a new edition of the Donatus metricus on the basis of both the text already published and of that one available in the Novus Grecismus, of which I am for the time being preparing the editio princeps. The comparative analysis of the two versions of Donatus metricus undertaken in this article and also biographical items make me think that both Conrad and Henry must have used a common source which they took over slightly modifying it. Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70262 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70260 Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70260 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70258 Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70258 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70256 Wed, 01 Jan 2003 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/70256 2003-01-01T00:00:00Z