http://hdl.handle.net/10366/154648 2026-04-21T19:55:48Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/169490 [EN]This paper evaluates existing theories on women’s participation in top government positions, applying those theories to Asia through a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA). In doing so, this paper aims to identify which conditions have been necessary and/or sufficient for women to break the political glass ceiling in Asia. Overall, the results show how political parties in democratic or hybrid regimes support different types of female candidates depending on the party’s ideology and political scenario. More specifically, there are three alternative pathways for a party to be successful when selecting a female candidate in Asia. Conditions that were previously necessary in the region, such as family ties to political dynasties or contexts of instability or transition, are no longer necessary. New opportunities in specific socio-political contexts are arising for women who want to reach the highest office in the country but do not belong to political dynasties. 2020-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/169427 [EN]Previous research has offered mixed results regarding whether federalism and other mechanisms of multi-level governance (MLG) present advantages or disadvantages for civil society and, in particular, impoverished ethnic minorities. Since self-determination is a key element of the political autonomy of indigenous peoples (IPs), this paper explores under which circumstances different mechanisms of MLG foster the rights of IPs in the Federation of Malaysia from the perspective of indigenous activists. This work relies on face-to-face, semi-structured interviews with indigenous activists, advocates, and stakeholders from different states of the federation, with different levels of self-government and quality of democracy. The main findings suggest that any attempt to evaluate the performance of MLG arrangements in the fulfillment of the rights of IPs should consider the relationship between indigenous organizations and state and local governments—a relationship that depends on the distribution of indigenous populations—and the degree of political accountability in specific territories. 2024-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/169426 This paper aims to assess whether the Colombian Constitutional Court has had a transformative approach to transitional justice in relation to conflict-related sexual violence. Building upon previous literature on feminist approaches to transitional justice, we carry out a content analysis of all 37 Autos related to conflict-related sexual violence issued by the Colombian Constitutional Court between 2008 and 2016. In doing so, we delve into how the high court identifies perpetrators and survivors of sexual violence, the causes that lead to sexual violence during conflict and displacement, and the measures they propose to eradicate this crime. Overall, while we find that critical decisions are transformative in most of the analysed dimensions, there remains some room for improvement. 2024-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/169424 [EN]Prior research highlights substantial beneficial effects of political user generated content (UGC) in society, such as diversifying political viewpoints, mobilizing the electorate, and fostering citizens’ civic engagement. However, important user asymmetries exist when creating political content. Gender, age, media uses, and skills gaps have been identified as key variables predicting UGC. This study addressed the political UGC gender gap from a political perspective. We build on previous theory about feminist media studies, political polarization, and cultural backlash theory to disentangle whether hostile sexism predicts UGC creation. Drawing on an online survey data from four well-established democracies, we find that those individuals holding hostile sexist views are more likely to generate political content online. Further implications for democracy and the role of women in the digital sphere are discussed. 2021-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168341 [EN] The Great Recession that hit Europe since 2008 sparked the interest of many scholars in understanding its impact on voting behaviour. Some studies have argued that the economic crisis paved the way for a new resurgence of challenger parties, whereas others have argued that their success is driven by the crisis of political representation. However, the analysis of the interplay between these two competing arguments is still scarce. In this paper, I build upon the protest and economic voting theories to explain the success of challenger parties in the aftermath of the Great Recession. By performing a multilevel analysis with time-series cross-sectional data, I found that political distrust and the economy have had an impact on the voting for challenger parties, and the interaction between the two dimensions explains the further increase in their electoral success. 2020-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168340 [EN] Affective polarization (AP) is on the rise, while populist attitudes and political mistrust are becoming increasingly prominent in academic research. Under what conditions do these factors shape AP? Although they share key features – such as a Manichaean, dichotomous division between ‘Us’ and ‘Them’ – empirical studies on their relationship remain relatively limited. This article investigates the connection between AP, political mistrust, and populist attitudes through a longitudinal panel data analysis with random effects. The findings reveal that both populist attitudes and political mistrust are linked to higher levels of AP. More significantly, populist attitudes exert a stronger influence on individuals with low political trust than on those who have confidence in their representatives. These results suggest that populist attitudes and mistrust shape AP both directly and indirectly. By examining the affective and attitudinal dimensions of populism at the individual level, this study enhances our understanding of why these dynamics are so prevalent in contemporary democracies. 2025-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168339 [EN] The spread of the coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic in 2020 was the impetus for an exogenous shock. In addition to the disruption brought on by the spread of COVID-19, conspiracy theories flourished on many aspects of the disease. However, the association between belief in conspiracy theories and voting behaviour has not been studied sufficiently, especially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper investigates the association between a belief in conspiracy theories and an intention to vote for populist parties (PPs). This association is analysed in a case study of Italian voters, where PPs can be found in the government and in the opposition. By conducting a cross-sectional analysis during the third wave of panel data fielded in December 2020, this article shows that individuals who have anti-vax attitudes and who also have a higher propensity to believe in conspiracy theories are more likely to vote for PPs, although it is worth considering the roles PPs play in either the government or in the opposition. 2023-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168272 [EN] Do affectively polarised people vote or stay home on election day? Although there is an increasing number of comparative studies focusing on the origins of partisan affective polarisation, our knowledge about its impact on individuals’ decision to vote is still limited. This article takes a closer look at the relationship between propensity to vote and partisan affective polarisation by distinguishing those produced by in-party like and by out-party dislike. The results show that both in-group like and out-group hate sentiments increase people’s propensity to vote, and that the effects of the latter are more accentuated. The argument presented in the following pages is based on the analysis of a two-wave panel study conducted in Spain between April and May 2019. 2022-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/168268 [EN] This article examines how individual changes in the frequency of political information consumption and discussion across different communication environments influenced affective polarization (AP) during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic in Italy. Using a three-wave panel survey of Italian citizens and fixed-effects models, we find that increased exposure to political information through legacy media and face-to-face discussions heightened AP, whereas similar engagement on social media had no such effect. Additionally, we explore the moderating role of economic uncertainty in this relationship. While financial insecurity was directly linked to lower AP, it intensified polarization when combined with greater political information from legacy media, face-toface discussions, and, to a lesser extent, social media. The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of AP and its connections to media consumption and communication dynamics. 2025-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/166447 [Es] El trabajo que se presenta a continuación pretende aportar información sobre el parlamento desde un punto de vista diferente, el punto de vista de sus miembros, los parlamentarios. Se trata de indagar en las características que les pueden definir, aquellos aspectos que los motivan, les preocupan y les producen satisfacciones a través del desarrollo de su actividad en las cámaras de diputados de toda Latinoamérica. La posibilidad de establecer semejanzas entre los diferentes países mediante comportamientos, percepciones y sanciones de su clase parlamentaria, pretende ser un objetivo en este avance de investigación. 1998-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/166446 [ES] Este artículo está dividido en cuatro apartados. El primero de ellos es una descripción y justificación teórica de la investigación; a lo largo del mismo se destaca su relevancia dentro de un contexto geográfico muy poco trabajado. El segundo apartado se centra en los aspectos metodológicos que caracterizan esta investigación así como las principales líneas de análisis y explotación de los datos que han realizado miembros del equipo y otros investigadores. Se incluyen además los indicadores que han permitido operacionalizar los principales conceptos y ejes de análisis de esta investigación. En el tercer apartado se incorporan tomas de decisión que, como resultado de la repetida aplicación de las encuestas de opinión, han obligado a reconsiderar algunos indicadores y categorías para la captura de la información, además de otras decisiones vinculadas a la representatividad, la fiabilidad y validez de la información. Finalmente, el capítulo se cierra con una recapitulación de los pilares fundamentales sobre los que se asienta el diseño y la estrategia de investigación de este proyecto. 2013-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/166445 [ES] En este artículo se presentan las principales perspectivas de análisis existentes en torno a las causas que influyen en su variación, y se describe cómo es esta satisfacción con el funcionamiento de la democracia en la región latinoamericana utilizando la “congruencia representativa” como instrumento de medida. 2014-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/166444 [EN] This study aims to understand political congruence in Latin American presidential democracies. It analyzes the levels of ideological congruence between parties and presidential candidates with their voters. The data used come from Americas Barometer at Vanderbilt University and Latin American Elites Project at the University of Salamanca for 11 Latin American countries between 2004 and 2014. The results conclude that the ideological links in Latin America are varied. Voters tend to be more congruent with the political parties they vote for in the legislative than with the candidates they vote for president, reinforcing the idea of dual legitimacy and dual representation in these countries. The radicalism, and the number, of parties and candidates appears as the most significant variables to explain ideological congruence. [ES] Este estudio se centra en la congruencia política en las democracias presidenciales latinoamericanas. Analiza los niveles de congruencia ideológica entre los partidos y los candidatos presidenciales con sus votantes. Los datos utilizados provienen del Barómetro de las Américas en la Universidad de Vanderbilt y del Proyecto de las Élites Latinoamericanas en la Universidad de Salamanca para 11 países latinoamericanos entre 2004 y 2014. Los resultados concluyen que los vínculos ideológicos en América Latina son variados. Los votantes tienden a ser más congruentes con los partidos políticos por los que votan en el legislativo que con los candidatos que votan por el presidente, lo que refuerza la idea de doble legitimidad y doble representación en estos países. El radicalismo y el número de partidos y candidatos aparecen como las variables más significativas para explicar la congruencia ideológica. [PO] Este estudo analisa a congruência política nas democracias presidencialistas da América Latina. Ele analisa os níveis de congruência ideológica entre partidos e candidatos à presidência com relação a seus eleitores. Os dados utilizados são do Barômetro das Américas da Universidade de Vanderbilt e do Projeto Elites da América Latina da Universidade de Salamanca para 11 países da América Latina entre 2004 e 2014. Os resultados concluem que os vínculos ideológicos na América Latina são variados. Os eleitores tendem a ser mais congruentes com os partidos políticos em que votam para o legislativo do que com os candidatos em que votam para presidente, reforçando a ideia de dupla legitimidade e dupla representação nesses países. O radicalismo e o número de partidos e candidatos aparecem como as variáveis mais significativas para explicar a congruência ideológica. 2020-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/166441 [ES] Este trabajo analiza la actividad normativa y fiscalizadora del Congreso Nacional de la República Dominicana durante el primer Estado de Emergencia, declarado el 19 de marzo hasta el 30 de junio de 2020. Para controlar las facultades extraordinarias otorgadas al Ejecutivo, el Legislativo promulgó seis Resoluciones y una Ley, además de otras iniciativas e interpelaciones. Los datos –obtenidos a partir de las páginas webs de la Presidencia, la Cámara de Diputados y del Senado– evidencian que el Estado de Emergencia no impulsó la beligerancia ni la cohesión del trabajo parlamentario de un Legislativo poco proactivo, ratificador y legitimador de la acción de gobierno. [EN] This paper analyzes the regulatory and controlling activity of the National Congress of the Dominican Republic during the first state of emergency, declared on March 19 until June 30, 2020. In order to supervise the extraordinary powers granted to the Government, the Legislative branch passed six Resolutions and one Law, as well as other initiatives and parliamentary questions. Data from the websites of the Presidency, the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, show that the State of Emergency did not promote belligerence or cohesion of parliamentary work, because of the Legislative Branch´ non proactive, ratifying and legitimating nature. [PO] Este trabalho analisa a atividade regulatória e fiscalizadora do Congresso Nacional da República Dominicana durante o primeiro Estado de Emergência, declarado em 19 de março até 30 de junho de 2020. Para controlar os poderes extraordinários conferidos ao Executivo, o Legislativo promulgou seis Resoluções e uma Lei, além de outras iniciativas e interpelações. Os dados obtidos nas páginas oficiais da Presidência, Câmara dos Deputados e Senado evidenciam que o Estado de Emergência não promoveu a beligerância nem a coesão da atividade parlamentar de um Legislativo pouco pró-ativo, ratificador e legimador de ações de governo. 2021-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/166439 [ES] La pandemia provocada por el contagio masivo de coronavirus ha impactado profundamente en todos los niveles de las sociedades contemporáneas. Tratar de combatir la pandemia llevó a la mayoría de los gobiernos a imponer medidas de restricción de reuniones y movilidad, así como obligar al cumplimiento de medidas de autoprotección y de confinamiento. Esta nota de investigación presenta de manera descriptiva los resultados más relevantes obtenidos en el estudio Efectos sociales y políticos de la Covid -19 entre los estudiantes de la Universidad de Salamanca. El estudio centró su análisis en el impacto del Covid-19 en las vidas de los estudiantes de la universidad, arrojando luz sobre las emociones más habituales, el impacto psicológico, su confianza en las instituciones políticas y universitarias junto con la valoración de su gestión, además de la autoevaluación del cumplimiento de las medidas sanitarias y sus preocupaciones presentes y futuras. [EN] The pandemic caused by the massive contagion of the Covid-19 virus has had a profound impact on all levels of contemporary societies. Fighting the pandemic led most national governments to impose measures to restrict meetings and mobility, as well as to force compliance with self-protection measures and collective coninements. This research note presents in a descriptive and extended way the results obtained in the study Social and political effects of Covid -19 among students at the University of Salamanca. The study focused its analysis on the impact of Covid-19 on the lives of university students, shedding light on the most common emotions,the psychological impact,their trustin political and university institutions along with the assessment of their management, in addition to the self-evaluation of compliance with sanitary measures and their present and future concerns. 2021-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/166437 [ES] Este artículo introduce el volumen monográfico que lleva por título ‘Capital Social en Democracia: Una Perspectiva de la Influencia del Capital Social en Sociedades Diversas’. En primer lugar, este artículo captura brevemente y con una mirada temática amplia, las distintas acepciones y operacionalizaciones de Capital Social, y cómo se ha introducido el constructo a través de diferentes disciplinas. El artículo también explica el devenir del Capital Social dentro del contexto de internet y las redes sociales, así como desgrana nuevos actores y temas en torno a esta materia. Finalmente, se incluye una sección donde se integran los resúmenes de cada uno de los estudios que componen este monográfico. [EN] This article introduces a special volume entitled ‘Capital Social en Democracia: Una Perspectiva de la In luencia del Capital Social en Sociedades Diversas.’ With a broad thematic perspective, the article first briefly captures the different meanings and measures of Social Capital, and how the construct has been introduced across different disciplines over time. The article also explains the evolution of Social Capital within the context of the internet and social media, as well as it unravels novel actors and issues around this matter. Finally, a section is included integrating summaries for each and every one of the studies contributing to this special volume. 2022-01-01T00:00:00Z