http://hdl.handle.net/10366/4331 Sat, 13 Jun 2026 17:23:21 GMT 2026-06-13T17:23:21Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171797 [EN] This article examines how religious actors representing new religious minorities navigate workplace negotiations over reasonable accommodation. Drawing on literature on diversity governance, we investigate the behavior of religious actors by separating entry from participation and by tracing how epistemic authority conditions participation and influence across venues. The analysis shows how selective secularism structures these negotiations, placing higher translation burdens and evidentiary demands on migrant coded minorities. Although religious actors may secure recognition, their authority remains vulnerable to public contestation and institutional veto points. The article concludes with recommendations to reduce gaps between law and practice and to improve equitable accommodation procedures. [ES] Este artículo examina cómo los actores religiosos que representan a nuevas minorías religiosas intervienen en las negociaciones laborales sobre ajustes razonables. A partir de la literatura sobre gobernanza de la diversidad, analizamos el comportamiento de estos actores distinguiendo entre acceso y participación, y examinando cómo la autoridad epistémica condiciona su participación e influencia en distintos ámbitos. El análisis muestra cómo el secularismo selectivo estructura estas negociaciones, imponiendo mayores cargas de traducción y exigencias probatorias a las minorías codificadas como migrantes. Aunque los actores religiosos pueden obtener reconocimiento, su autoridad sigue siendo vulnerable a la contestación pública y a puntos de veto institucionales. El artículo concluye con recomendaciones orientadas a reducir la distancia entre el marco jurídico y la práctica institucional, y a mejorar la equidad de los procedimientos de ajuste razonable. Wed, 10 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171797 2026-06-10T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171750 [EN]This exploratory study examines a curated set of influential con-temporary educational podcasts in Spain to identify emerging patterns in pro-duction structures, hosting models, and discursive strategies. Drawing on genre theory, audience studies, and platform analysis, the article conceptualizes edu-cational podcasting as a hybrid communicative ecosystem shaped by narrative experimentation, pedagogical intent, and algorithmic circulation. Data from major audio platforms were analyzed using a mixed-method coding protocol integrating formal, discursive, and platform variables. Findings reveal uneven professionalization, diverse pedagogical voices, and adaptive strategies for visi-bility in platform-mediated environments. The study contributes a theoretically grounded overview of Spain’s evolving educational podcast landscape.[PO]Este estudo exploratório analisa um conjunto selecionado de podcasts educacionais contemporâneos influentes na Espanha com o objetivo de identificar padrões emergentes nas estruturas de produção, nos modelos de apresentação e nas estratégias discursivas. Com base na teoria dos gêneros, nos estudos de audiência e na análise de plataformas, o artigo conceitua o podcast educacional como um ecossistema comunicacional híbrido, moldado pela experimentação narrativa, pela intencionalidade pedagógica e pela circulação algorítmica. Dados provenientes das principais plataformas de áudio foram examinados por meio de um protocolo de codificação de métodos mistos que integra variáveis formais, discursivas e de circulação em plataformas. Os resultados revelam profissionalização desigual, diversidade de vozes pedagógicas e estratégias adaptativas de visibilidade em ambientes mediados por plataformas. O estudo oferece uma visão geral teoricamente fundamentada do panorama em transformação dos podcasts educacionais na Espanha. Sat, 06 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171750 2026-06-06T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171307 [EN]This article interrogates the governance of religious and ethnic diversity in contemporary Spain, advancing a critical analysis of selective secularism as a meta-governance logic that structures symbolic hierarchies and practical exclusions. Selective secularism operates through the culturalisation of Catholicism as “neutral” national heritage and the religionisation of minority, especially Muslim, cultural expressions, reinforcing asymmetrical regimes of recognition beneath a veneer of formal pluralism. Through analysis of legal cases, judicial reasoning and the mobilisation of lay Catholic neoconservative networks, the article shows how intersecting top-down and bottom-up mechanisms entrench Catholic dominance while problematising racialised Muslim-coded presence. Building on the Bristol School of Multiculturalism and Sealy’s model of post-multicultural multilogue, Spain is situated as a paradigmatic “post-secular laboratory” in which rapid social transformation exposes both the limits and the inertia of liberal–secular governance. While dialogical engagement and “levelling up” strategies have significantly shaped academic and policy debates, they do not resolve the persistent marginalisation of transcultural actors, particularly descendants of Muslim migrants and native converts to Islam, whose hybrid biographies unsettle dominant binaries yet remain institutionally under-recognised. The article therefore advances a post-secular, transcultural principle of recognition and operationalises transcultural capital not merely as an adaptive resource at the micro or meso level, but as a mechanism for macro-level transformation in diversity governance. Anchored in the ongoing contestation over Islamic burial rights and the evolving practices of the Pluralism and Coexistence Foundation, the analysis demonstrates that only by empowering transcultural actors as co-authors, rather than passive consultees, can Spain recalibrate its model of religious diversity governance. The framework developed offers a way beyond segmented recognition of diversity and cosmetic pluralism, with implications for majority–minority relations across Europe. Wed, 06 May 2026 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171307 2026-05-06T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171149 [EN]This study traces gender convergence in the share of young people (15-29) who are not in employment, education, or training (NEET) across the EU-27 from 2004 to 2022. Using EU Labour Force Survey micro-data and Eurostat aggregates, we estimate β-, σ-, and δ-convergence. The results point to a clear narrowing of the average gender gap (upward β-convergence). While overall cross-country dispersion has not fallen (no σ-convergence), a catch-up process towards the countries with the smallest gender gaps is evident (δ-convergence). The closing gap is driven mainly by improved labour-market and educational outcomes for women, coupled with a general deterioration in men’s outcomes. In the long run, early school-leaving rates, youth employment levels and spending on active labour-market policies emerge as key determinants of gender convergence. We conclude by outlining the policy implications of these findings. Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171149 2025-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171138 [EN]Background Applying established frameworks for cultural adaptation of evidence-based programs (EBPs) is essential to ensure cost-effectiveness, adoption, and sustainability while advancing health equity. However, adaptation processes often lack systematic approaches, particularly outside academic contexts. Purpose This study explores how cultural adaptation processes of prevention programs are delivered to address adolescent substance use and common mental health issues, from the perspective of the main stakeholders involved in these processes. In parallel, it aims to empirically refine and specify the 11 stages synthesized in prior work that integrated insights from multiple cultural adaptation processes and frameworks. Methods A qualitative analysis was conducted using content analysis of 22 semi-structured interviews with stakeholders from the quadruple helix model: 6 from Academia, 6 from Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and 10 from Public administration, selected globally. Stakeholders were identified via brainstorming and purposive-convenience sampling, based on their roles in adapting, implementing, evaluating, or funding prevention programs addressing adolescent substance use and mental health issues. Despite extensive recruitment efforts, no representation from the Business helix was achieved, as only one business contact agreed to be interviewed, which was not considered sufficient for inclusion. Results The qualitative analysis refined and expanded the stages of a cultural adaptation sequence that reflects how cultural adaptation processes are conducted in practice: building synergies, local needs assessment, program selection, initial cultural adaptation, advisory group consultation, staff training, piloting, program refinement and readiness for implementation, implementation, monitoring and evaluation, and dissemination and sustainability. Notably, not all stakeholders followed or applied the steps uniformly. Furthermore, academics were the only group to report using formal cultural adaptation models, while NGOs and the Public administration relied on experiential and contextual knowledge. Conclusions Findings underscore the importance of translating scientific knowledge into practice contexts while ensuring continuous evaluation, dissemination, and sustainability of adapted EBPs targeting adolescent substance use and mental health issues. Collaborative efforts and co-creative strategies are crucial to maintaining cultural relevance. This study contributes by offering empirical refinement and operational specification of an 11-step cultural adaptation sequence identified in a prior scoping review. Linking evidence from prior literature with practice provides greater clarity and applicability for implementers seeking to culturally adapt prevention programs across diverse contexts. Mon, 27 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/171138 2026-04-27T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170896 [ES]El objetivo de este estudio es analizar desde un punto de vista exploratorio las desigualdades territoriales en educación en dos comunidades autónomas como Extremadura y Castilla y León, a partir de datos del Informe PISA 2023. Ambas regiones poseen una base socio-económica similar y elevado índice de ruralidad. De los datos obtenidos se ha podido extraer que las diferencias entre territorios pueden explicarse por diferentes factores, entre los que se incluyen: la política autonómica, la organización escolar y la inversión. Se corrobora que el modelo de descentralización política acentúa las diferencias y que las divergencias educativas entre ambos territorios ponen en entredicho la cohesión territorial. Asimismo, se confirma que el contexto socioeconómico y sociodemográfico junto con las diferencias en el ámbito educativo tienen una dimensión territorial y multifactorial, donde la inversión autonómica junto con el modelo de política educativa implantado promueve una mayor cohesión social y territorial.[EN]The aim of this study is to explore territorial inequalities in education in two Spanish re-gions—Extremadura and Castilla y León—based on data from the PISA2022 report. Both re-gions share a similar socioeconomic background and a high degree of rurality. The analysis re-veals that the differences between these territories can be explained by several factors, including regional policies, school organization, and investment. The findings confirm that the political decentralization model amplifies disparities and that the educational divergences between the two regions challenge territorial cohesion.Moreover, the study confirms that the socioeconomic and sociodemographic context, as well as disparities in the educational sphere, have a territorial and multifactorial dimension. In this regard, regional investment combined with the implemented educational policy model plays a key role in fostering greater social and territorial cohesion. Sun, 01 Feb 2026 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170896 2026-02-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170893 [EN]Artificial intelligence (AI) is rapidly transforming educational systems, reshaping how knowledge is produced, evaluated, and governed. Far from being a neutral technological enhancement, AI operates as a socio-technical infrastructure embedded in power relations that redistribute opportunities unequally across students, schools, and territories. This chapter analyzes the role of AI in the reproduction of educational inequalities from a sociological perspective, emphasizing how algorithmic systems amplify digital divides, reinforce structural and cultural biases, and introduce new forms of algorithmic governance that reshape agency, autonomy, and pedagogical decision-making. The discussion develops three interconnected analytical dimensions: the emergence of digital and algorithmic capital as forms of distinction that privilege advantaged learners; the reproduction of inequality through biased data, discriminatory predictions, and exclusionary platform design; and the rise of algorithmic governmentality, in which surveillance, metric-based accountability, and automated decision-making displace teachers’ professional judgment and shape student subjectivities through normalization and control. The chapter argues that addressing these dynamics requires ethical and political frameworks that prioritize transparency, accountability, inclusion, and democratic participation in the design and governance of AI in education. It concludes by calling for critical algorithmic literacy, participatory policy design, and culturally situated approaches capable of transforming AI into a tool for educational justice rather than a mechanism that reinforces existing hierarchies. Sun, 01 Mar 2026 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170893 2026-03-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170418 [ES] La presente tesis doctoral analiza la competencia electoral y las dinámicas de unidad entre partidos comunistas y formaciones de nueva izquierda radical en Europa Occidental, centrándose en aquellos contextos nacionales en los que ambas familias partidistas coexisten y compiten de manera sostenida. Este fenómeno, escasamente abordado por la literatura, se estudia de forma comparada a partir de los casos de Portugal, Grecia y Francia, los únicos países de Europa Occidental donde partidos comunistas históricos y nuevas izquierdas radicales mantienen simultáneamente representación parlamentaria. De manera complementaria, se incorpora un estudio de caso sobre España que permite analizar el paso de la competencia a la cooperación electoral en el seno de la izquierda radical. El objetivo principal de la investigación es identificar los mecanismos que explican la persistencia de ambas familias partidistas dentro de un mismo sistema político, así como los costes y beneficios derivados de sus estrategias de competencia y unidad. La hipótesis central sostiene que la coexistencia se explica por procesos de especialización electoral y territorial, mediante los cuales los partidos atraen a segmentos sociales y contextos geográficos diferenciados. La tesis se estructura en tres artículos empíricos. El primero analiza los determinantes individuales del voto a partidos comunistas y de nueva izquierda radical en Portugal, Grecia y Francia, a partir de datos de la European Social Survey y mediante modelos de regresión logística. Los resultados muestran que las diferencias entre electorados se concentran principalmente en el eje sociocultural, más que en el socioeconómico: los partidos comunistas tienden a atraer a votantes de mayor edad, vinculados a la clase trabajadora y con posiciones socioculturales más moderadas, mientras que las nuevas izquierdas movilizan a votantes más jóvenes, con mayor nivel educativo y actitudes claramente progresistas. El segundo artículo adopta una perspectiva de geografía política para examinar la especialización territorial del voto, combinando indicadores locales de autocorrelación espacial y modelos de regresión espacial. Los resultados indican que la relevancia del territorio varía según el país, siendo especialmente significativa en Portugal, más limitada en Grecia y prácticamente inexistente en Francia. El tercer artículo se centra en el caso español y analiza los efectos electorales de la coalición preelectoral entre Podemos e Izquierda Unida en las elecciones generales de 2016, mediante un diseño cuasiexperimental basado en datos de encuesta que permite medir el efecto causal del anuncio de la coalición en los votantes. Los resultados evidencian que los costes electorales de la cooperación tienden a concentrarse en el socio minoritario, lo que pone de relieve los dilemas estratégicos asociados a la unidad electoral. En conjunto, la tesis contribuye al estudio de la competencia intrafamiliar en la izquierda radical, al debate sobre el realineamiento de los cleavages y al análisis del papel del territorio y de las estrategias de cooperación en los sistemas de partidos. Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170418 2025-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170132 [EN]This article presents a comparative analysis of the role played by occupational changes in recent wage inequality trends in six European countries. This work contributes to a better understanding of how within- and between-occupation differences have influenced wage inequality trends in Europe. The database used is the European Union Structure of Earnings Survey for the period 2002–2018. The analysis shows two patterns in the share of wage inequality explained by between-occupation differentials: while the relative importance of between-occupation trends has grown in Finland and the UK, it has diminished in Spain, France, Poland and Romania. And although between-occupation differentials still account for a great share of total wages’ variance, changes in the occupational structure (in particular, the patterns of job polarisation and upgrading widely discussed in the literature) have not driven recent wage inequality trends in Europe. Wage inequality, instead, has been mostly driven by changes in wage differentials within occupations. Finally, we found that the explanatory significance of occupations markedly declines at the highest wage tiers. Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170132 2025-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170131 [EN]This article presents a multilevel analysis of unpaid overtime among young people (aged 15–34) across EU-28 member states. It finds that non-standard employment and the specific characteristics and institutions of Europe’s labour markets are related to unpaid overtime. Use has been made of the European Union Labour Force Survey database for 2019. The econometric analysis shows that a national level and a greater scope of collective bargaining agreements, a higher rate of involuntary part-time employment and lower levels of unemployment expenditure increase the probability of unpaid overtime among young people. Furthermore, our results reveal that how flexibility is boosted in European countries drives unpaid overtime. Temporary employment, working from home and a higher number of hours worked are positively related to unpaid overtime, while part-time employment and temporary work agencies are negatively related. Finally, the older and higher educated young workers have a greater propensity towards unpaid overtime, while there is a negative effect of shift work and no significant one in terms of gender and the degree of protection against dismissal. Policy implications for the implementation of flexibility policies and working time regulations are also discussed. Thu, 01 Jan 2026 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170131 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170129 [EN]This article presents a comparative analysis of multiple jobholding and non-standard employment among young people in EU-28 member states. This work contributes to the understanding of multiple jobholding among youth by connecting the empirical work to the issues of labour market flexibilisation in Europe. The database used is the European Union Labour Force Survey for 2019. Non-standard forms of employment have a positive effect on the likelihood of secondary jobholding, especially part-time work. There is a high rate of multiple jobholding in Nordic countries, whereas it is low in Mediterranean, Central and Eastern European countries, where the time spent in second jobs is high. Finally, there are statistically significant differences in the propensity toward multiple jobholding according to level of education, gender, age, and country of birth, while there is no noticeable effect of over-qualification, although there is on the search for another job. Mon, 01 Jan 2024 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170129 2024-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170125 [EN]We present a meta-evaluation of the literature on the impacts of active labour market policies for unemployed people over 50, extracting 82 impacts for analysis. The meta-evaluation includes only impact evaluations that examine both a group of beneficiaries and a control group of comparable non-beneficiaries. On average, we find that active policies have a slightly negative effect (−0.8 percentage points) on the probability of unemployed people over 50 finding a job and that this negative effect disappears 24 months after policy implementation. However, this effect is very different when disaggregated by policy type. Direct job creation policies have a clear negative effect (−3.9 percentage points), and training policies have a positive average effect, either in isolation (2.4 percentage points) or when combined with search assistance or counselling (1.7 percentage points). We also find slight differences by gender, with the effect of active policies being greater for women than for men. These results have important implications, given that the European Commission and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development have made active policies the cornerstone of their efforts to improve the re-employment of older people. Our results support training policies, either in isolation or in combination with search assistance and counselling. The greatest impacts are obtained after 12 months of policy implementation. Sun, 01 Jan 2023 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170125 2023-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170007 Quantitative demographic research is often conducted at the national level, largely due to data limitations and a lack of hypotheses about within-country variation. Yet national-level data can obscure important internal diversity, leading to potentially misleading conclusions about demographic patterns. Using the CORESIDENCE Database, we analyse subnational variation in household arrangements across 142 countries divided into 1788 subnational units. We study four key household variables: household size, number of children, number of spouses or partners and number of other members. Results reveal substantial internal heterogeneity, particularly in Africa and Asia, where subnational variation often rivals or exceeds national-level variation. In contrast, European countries show greater homogeneity,making national datamore representative. These findingsemphasise the importance of integrating subnational data into demographic research. Relying solely on nationallevel indicators risks masking meaningful demographic patterns and misrepresenting population dynamics. As traditional census data become increasingly scarce, fine-grained data are crucial for capturing the complexity of demographic variation within countries. Wed, 01 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170007 2025-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170003 [EN]We investigate early childbearing among Maghrebi and Latin American immigrant women and their descendants in Spain. We use a new database linking Natural Movement of the Population records between 2011 and 2015 to the 2011 Spanish Census. To identify whether immigrants’ descendants converge toward the Spanish very reduced profile of early childbearing, we run Poisson regression models. While Latin American immigrants converge toward the native population, among Maghrebi immigrants, the difference among those who arrived in Spain at more than 15 years of age is reduced, but the difference does not disappear in the second generation. To examine the differences in early childbearing between these two immigrant groups, we implement a multivariate decomposition. The mean number of children born between 2011 and 2015 was 0.12 for Latin American and 0.32 for Maghrebi immigrants. Differences in measured characteristics account for 39.72% of this difference and differences in effects account for 60.28%. Sun, 01 Jan 2023 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170003 2023-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170002 [EN]This study analyses the key transitions over the course of a woman’s life: forming a first union, leaving home, economic independence, and employment. It assesses their association with the probability of motherhood in Spain, a low-fertility country. The study focuses on the timing of these transitions and their particular conditions, as well as the order in which they occur. Data for the analysis are taken from the 2018 Fertility Survey (N = 7,819) conducted by the Spanish National Statistics Institute. We have applied event history models, specifically discrete-time logistic regression models. The study reveals varying relationships between life transitions and motherhood, emphasizing the relevance of both the order and specific characteristics of each transition. Forming a union is the main transition associated with motherhood, being moderated by the type of union, its stability, and by economic and employment circumstances. Leaving the parental home also shows a strong association with the likelihood of motherhood, although it also appears to be mediated by the woman’s economic, union, and employment status. Finally, access to employment favours motherhood, albeit to a lesser extent than the other life transitions. Mon, 08 Sep 2025 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170002 2025-09-08T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170000 [EN]The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic raised concerns about possible shifts in the determinants of residential mobility and the potential for a crisis in densely populated urban settings. Some studies have noted significant effects in the early months following the outbreak, though generally not intense enough to induce profound changes in residential systems. This research aims to explore aspects not yet addressed in the context of Spanish urban areas: (i) we focus on central municipalities, which were subject to speculation regarding a possible mass migration to rural areas; (ii) we extend the period of analysis until 2022, marking the third year since the pandemic’s onset; (iii) we incorporate a socioeconomic dimension, enabling us to examine changes in the profiles of individuals who changed residence after the pandemic; and (iv) we consider intra-city moves, a critical aspect for validating (or invalidating) the urban exodus hypothesis. By addressing these aspects, we outline the legacy and future implications of the pandemic in terms of residential mobility and its interplay with the socio-spatial reconfiguration of urban areas. After two years with some observable changes compared to the pre-pandemic period, by 2022, residential mobility patterns aligned with pre-pandemic tendencies in most dynamics. However, a significant change has been the reinforcement of movements away from urban cores among the most socioeconomically advantaged groups.[ES]El estallido de la pandemia de la COVID-19 suscitó interrogantes sobre posibles cambios en los determinantes de la movilidad residencial, al tiempo que se planteaba una crisis de los entornos urbanos más densos y poblados. Algunos trabajos han constatado efectos reseñables en los primeros meses de la pandemia, aunque en general no fueron lo suficientemente intensos como para provocar cambios profundos en los sistemas residenciales. Esta investigación se propone profundizar en aspectos que no han sido abordados todavía en el contexto de las ciudades españolas: (i) nos centramos en los municipios centrales, que fueron objeto de especulaciones sobre una posible migración masiva hacia áreas rurales; (ii) ampliamos el periodo de análisis hasta el año 2022, el tercer año desde el inicio de la pandemia; (iii) incorporamos la dimensión socioeconómica, lo que nos permite examinar los cambios en los perfiles de las personas que cambiaron de residencia; y (iv) consideramos los traslados dentro de las ciudades centrales, un aspecto crucial para validar, o no, la hipótesis del éxodo urbano. Al abordar estos aspectos, delineamos el legado y las implicaciones futuras de la pandemia en términos de movilidad residencial y su relación con los procesos de reconfiguración socio-espacial en áreas urbanas. Tras dos años con algunos cambios respecto a la pre-pandemia, en 2022, las pautas de movilidad residencial tendieron a converger con las observadas previamente en la mayor parte de las dinámicas. Sin embargo, un cambio reseñable ha sido el refuerzo de los movimientos de salida de las ciudades entre los grupos socioeconómicamente más aventajados. Mon, 30 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10366/170000 2024-12-30T00:00:00Z