The Indo-European nomina agentis in *-tḗr in Italic and Celtic

Abstract

[EN] This work aims to cast light on some hitherto overlooked examples of archaic Indo-European agent nouns in *-tḗr in Italic and Celtic, where they constitute a recessive category, mostly to be found in onomastics. Early and dialectal Celtic and Italic processes of loss of syllabicity and resyllabification, as well as inherited semantic specifications, will be considered. Special attention is paid to the Celtiberian divine name - , the Celtiberian place name Boterdum, a likely Celtiberian office name stoteroi in Botorrita IV, the conceivable Celtiberian office name amateriko and the probably Venetic personal name . The Celtiberian divine name Carduarum receives a new explanation. Regarding Italic, the fricativisation of the clusters -d- and -g- in Oscan and its chronology and dialectology are addressed, and new interpretations of the Sabellic priest’s title , the epithet  and the South Oscan divinities νετεfς / πεHετεfς are offered.